Hungary’s new prime minister, Péter Magyar, has been sworn in, almost a month after he led his Tisza party to a decisive victory, ending 16 years of rule by Viktor Orbán. “I will not rule over Hungary – I will serve my country,” Magyar stated after taking the oath of office in parliament.
The Tisza party now holds 141 out of 199 seats in the new parliament, a significant rise from zero, reflecting the party’s rapid growth since its founding just two years ago. Tens of thousands of people are anticipated to participate in a “celebration of freedom and democracy” outside parliament in Budapest, along the Danube. Magyar has urged Hungarians to embrace the “gateway of regime change.”
Orbán’s Fidesz party saw its representation drop from 135 to 52 seats, showing signs of internal strain. Orbán and other key party figures have opted not to take their parliamentary seats, leaving their political future uncertain beyond a general commitment to “rebuild the national side.”
Each day brings fresh revelations or allegations of corruption against the Fidesz party, which has governed Hungary largely unchallenged since 2010. Magyar has pledged a “change of system” in addition to a change of government. Zoltán Tarr, the incoming Minister for Social Relations and Culture, told the BBC, “The main priority is to set up the government… on the ruins of the previous one.” He added, “We are ready to face a very grim economic situation. But at the moment, we just don’t know the severity.”
A spending spree initiated by the Orbán government in the past eight months compounded years during which state contracts and funds were reportedly directed to business circles close to Fidesz. The budget deficit has already neared its planned target for the entire year.
The incoming government is keen to demonstrate its moral integrity compared to Fidesz. For instance, prominent businessman György Wáberer, who switched from Fidesz to Tisza a week before the election, informed a journalist he had donated £242,000 (€280,000, $331,000) to Tisza. Magyar promptly returned the money to him.
When Magyar’s brother-in-law, Márton Melléthei-Barna, was initially named justice minister, the new government faced strong criticism on social media. On Thursday evening, Melléthei-Barna announced his withdrawal from consideration for the post, stating it was “to ensure that not even the slightest shadow is cast on the transition.”
Incoming Tisza ministers have stated there will be no acts of revenge against the outgoing government, but those found guilty of financial crimes will be held accountable. A new “office to recover stolen assets” is planned. Tarr clarified, in response to calls for trials for those who siphoned off national wealth, “I don’t think that we should talk about a guillotine. We are talking about investigations and actions which are totally in line with the rule of law. Interestingly enough, the current chief prosecutor, and the police, have started certain investigations which they did not start before the election. They are questioning people.”
A source close to the prosecutor’s office informed the BBC that the historically low number of prosecutions of prominent figures in Hungary “is turning into a steady flow,” attributing this not to a prior lack of will to prosecute, but to the previous reluctance of the police and tax office to gather evidence. The source added, “What has changed is that people are now coming forward. So a lot more evidence is suddenly available.”
Among the targets of police investigations is the media empire of Gyula Balásy, which secured millions in government contracts over the past decade and ran Fidesz campaigns critical of migrants and perceived “enemies,” including George Soros, Volodymyr Zelensky, and Magyar himself. In a recent interview, Balásy expressed a desire to transfer his companies and investments to the state, while denying any wrongdoing. The accounts of some of his companies have been frozen.
Another area under investigation is Hungary’s National Cultural Fund, specifically its Urban Civil Fund, which has a budget of £57.2m (€64.9m, $76.7m). Allegations that it may have channeled money to Fidesz candidates are also being probed.
Perhaps the most significant challenge for the new Magyar government is the urgent need to secure the release of €17bn in various EU funds, which the European Commission withheld from the Orbán government. Last week, Commission sources in Brussels suggested that some of these Hungarian funds might be permanently lost.
Other issues include the necessity of establishing a common stance on an EU migrant pact, which the Orbán government vehemently opposed. The pact is set to come into full effect on June 12, yet Hungary continues to face a daily fine of €1m for non-compliance with European Court of Justice (CJEU) rulings regarding its treatment of migrants. Recent surveys indicate that Tisza party voters, similar to former Fidesz voters, express concerns about irregular migration. They also view Ukraine’s aspiration to join the EU with caution. Magyar, like Orbán, maintains that Hungary requires Russian oil and gas supplies, at least in the short term.
Despite these challenges, Tarr remains optimistic. He perceives the EU as a willing partner and is confident that the young people who celebrated on April 12 will not become disillusioned as they continue their celebrations this weekend. “I’m not worried, I’m excited… We are serving the country. We are serving the people. We are not here to rule. We are here to serve. We are here to fulfil a mandate.”
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